WHATEVER MONTENEGRO'S DECISION, IT WILL BE BENFICIAL FOR ITSELF, FOR SLOVENIA, FOR SERBIA AND EUROPE
Statement of the President of the Republiec of Slovenia Milan Kucan after teh talks with President of Montenegro Milo Djukanovic

Brdo at Kranj, 15 November 2000



Ladies and Gentlemen,

I believe it is important to note that this is my first meeting with Mr Djukanovic since the changes of the Belgrade regime, after the long awaited and welcome events occurred, which all of us were also actively striving for.

Our contacts with Montenegro date back several years, to the time after the international community also realised that we need to actively support those forces and political orientations within the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia that carry the democratic heritage, that carry the endeavours for democratic relations and that are Yugoslavia's and SE Europe's vehicles of peace, non-violence, built on foundations on which modern Europe is being constructed. Montenegro was and still is an island of democracy. It represented an open window and an open door for the democratic world to enter the FRY. Montenegro often spread its arms and gave its strengths to the disposal of the democratic world, even when it took great risks, great risks that perhaps in the long-term perspective were against its own interest. I believe that we need to continue to bear in mind this stance by Montenegro, now that the future of South Eastern Europe is being deliberated.

It is actually a coincidence that this meeting is taking place at a time when Mr Djukanovic is on his way to the USA for the 5th anniversary of the signing of the Dayton agreement and that it is taking place just prior to the Zagreb summit. We also discussed the experience of five years of implementation of the Dayton agreement, its merits for putting an end to the state of war in a large part of SE Europe; that it would be beneficial to consider, five years thereafter, its range and the obstacles standing in the way of its implementation; that its future effects are to a high extent linked to the turn of events in Serbia proper and, of course, to the settlement of the situation in the FRY.

Regarding the Zagreb conference, it is an important meeting in our assessment, a meeting that is opening up a broad dialogue between the European Union and SE European states, a dialogue on the conditions and realistic prospects of these countries' EU integration. Slovenia has an important place and plays an important role in this respect as a country that has come very far in its negotiations with the EU and a country that can help these countries with its own experience, should they ask for such assistance, of course. At the same time Slovenia can be a good interpreter of problems for EU states in terms of the problems the countries aspiring for EU membership and who see their future within European integrations will be facing.

We also discussed the redefinition of relations within the FRY, that is relations between the Republic of Serbia and the Republic of Montenegro. We both expressed our satisfaction over the democratic changes, over the bringing down of the Belgrade regime. We expressed our expectation that this process will continue and that the policy defined as the policy of the Milosevic regime will start changing; that favourable conditions are also developing for these relations to be redefined in a clear, argumented discussion.

I reiterated my position to President Djukanovic: just like Slovenia demanded its freedom to materialise its right to self-determination without intervening into the rights of other nations or states in doing so, so Slovenia cannot object to a similar demand from any other nation or state. Based on our own experience, my position is as follows: whatever Montenegro decides is beneficial for itself and its own future, will be beneficial for ourselves as well and, I believe, is also beneficial for Serbia and for all the SE European states and Europe as a whole.

It is true, that the process of redefining relations between Serbia and Montenegro was triggered by the violence of the Milosevic regime, also with a forced amendment of the constitution and by imposing the new constitution on Montenegro, thus essentially changing its constitutional status. It is also true that in the new circumstances that have arisen in Europe, Montenegro's desire to redefine these relations should be understood beyond the pressure and abuse exerted on Montenegro during the Milosevic regime.

Coming back to what was said earlier, Montenegro's efforts for the democratic world to be able to enter the FRY, to be able to encourage and also influence the processes of democratisation, to be able to cooperate with the then democratic opposition of Serbia should also be taken into account today. I believe that a rational mode and model of settling these relations would very much ease the tension, in particular the direct threat of war, the threat of new armed conflicts in the entire area, and it would then be possible to redefine these relations without the burden of past events and to look at the political map of SE Europe, or of the Balkans in particular, in a way that is of interest to all these nations and states.

I believe that this is very important, and I am emphasising this again: Montenegro's desire to redefine its relations with the Republic of Serbia represents no threat to peace. There are no territorial aspirations at hand, state borders are not to be changed. It is simply about acknowledging the fact that these are two legal and state entities both of which want international recognition.

Thank you.



QUESTION:
President Kucan, you also discussed the Zagreb summit. Could you expand on that discussion?

MILAN KUCAN:
One of the important issues that dictate cooperation between Slovenia and Montenegro is the interest in seeing a democratic and open Serbia , one with which cooperation on an equal footing is possible, with which responsibility for what is happening in SE Europe and, in a more long-term perspective in Europe as a whole, can be taken. Based on this interest, our cooperation was mainly oriented at finding out what needs to be done for such a Serbia to occur. As for how Montenegro will define its relations with Serbia and what kind of an agreement it will be able to achieve with Serbia – democratic, open, committed to the same values as today's European countries – all this is up to Montenegro and Serbia, it is their decision.

I already mentioned this and I would like to repeat that we are not in a position to advise Montenegro on its decision. Whatever its decision, taken responsibly I am sure, will be beneficial for us, for Serbia and for all of Europe. I say this for the purpose of clarity. We have no influence on the composition, on the list of invitations to the Zagreb conference. This conference is organised and called by EU and Croatia, the invitations were signed by President Chirac and President Mesic. I explained how Slovenia sees its own role at this conference. We wanted to see Montenegro invited to this conference as well. President Djukanovic confirmed to me that Montenegro has received such an invitation and that he will be representing Montenegro alongside President Kostunica and will also have the opportunity of active participation at the conference. In this same capacity he is invited to Dayton and to other international meetings. I believe that this is correct and that it demonstrates a constructive perspective for the future of relations in SE Europe.